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苏东坡在杭州过端午

2021-12-16 12:09:18公文范文
司马一民又到端午节,我们来读一首与端午相关的词——苏东坡的《南歌子·杭州端午》(也有写作《南歌子·游

司马一民

又到端午节,我们来读一首与端午相关的词——苏东坡的《南歌子·杭州端午》(也有写作《南歌子·游赏》的):

山与歌眉敛,波同醉眼流。

游人都上十三楼。

不羡竹西歌吹、古扬州。

菰黍连昌蜀欠,琼彝倒玉舟。

谁家水调唱歌头。

声绕碧山飞去、晚云留。

宋哲宗元祐五年(1090),苏东坡第二次到杭州为官,这回做的官是知州。端午节时,苏东坡与朋友在杭州十三楼游赏,这首词描写了他们游赏的情景,当然也有东坡先生的联想和感受。

十三楼,宋代杭州的一处名胜。竹西,即竹西亭,唐代扬州的名胜,《舆地纪胜》有述:“扬州竹西亭在北门外五里。”扬州竹西亭,得名于杜牧《题扬州禅智寺》的“谁知竹西路,歌吹是扬州”。菰黍,裹粽子的菰叶,这里指粽子。昌歜,把菖蒲嫩茎切碎撒点儿盐上去吃。琼彝、玉舟,玉制的酒器。

这首词的大意为,青山如同歌女的眉毛那样,清澈的碧波就像醉酒之人游离的眼光。游人都喜欢去十三楼赏玩,不再羡慕古扬州那个笙歌悠扬的竹西亭。吃着粽子和昌歜,喝着从玉壶里倒出来的美酒。是谁唱起了水调歌头?歌声环绕青山似乎要飞去,晚霞急忙过去将它留住。

这首词,通过写物,点出了时令端午;写景不刻意,又有湖光山色之美;写人很随意,又含宴饮之乐;尤其是把景与人融合起来写,有人与自然融为一体的意境。

欣赏完了这首词,有两点值得再探究一下:第一,十三楼在哪里?第二,宋代杭州人怎样过端午?

我们先来说说“十三楼”。

宋孝宗乾道五年(1169年)周淙撰写的《乾道临安志》卷二有这样的记载:“楼·十三间楼,去钱塘门二里许,苏轼治杭日,多治事于此。废。”

宋理宗淳祐十二年(1252)施谔撰写的《淳祐临安志》卷第六也有记载:“楼观:十三间楼,去钱塘门二里许,苏轼治杭日,多治事于此。今为相严院,在大佛头缆船石山后。”卷第九:“诸石:秦王缆船石,在钱塘门外,昔秦始皇东游泛海,舣舟于此。陆羽《武林山记》云:‘自钱塘门至秦王缆船石,俗呼西石头。北关僧思净,刻大石佛于此。旧传西湖本通海,东至沙河塘,向南一岸皆大江也。故始皇缆舟于此。”

南宋周密(1232—1298)撰写的《武林旧事》“卷五·湖山胜概”同样有类似的记载 :“十三间楼相严院旧名‘十三间楼石佛院。东坡守杭日,每治事于此。有冠胜轩、雨亦奇轩。大石佛院旧传为秦始皇缆船石。俗名‘西石头。宣和中,僧思净就石镌成大佛半身。或云:‘下通海眼。”梳理这三则记载可以得出这样以下信息:

一是苏东坡词中的“十三楼”即“十三间楼”,省略一个“间”字可能是为了符合《南歌子》的句式。

二是“苏轼治杭日,多治事于此”,苏东坡在杭州为官时经常去十三间楼。“治事”两个字有点费解,是否可以把“治事”理解为处理公务?而且还“多”(经常)?莫非东坡先生习惯在风景宜人之处处理公务?如此潇洒,很有可能。苏东坡弟子秦观有一首诗《东坡守杭》,似乎就记叙了苏东坡处理公务的情形:

十里荷花菡萏初,

我公所至有西湖。

欲将公事湖中了,

见说官闲事亦无。

“欲将公事湖中了”,说的就是在西湖风景区内,或船上或亭中,苏东坡轻轻松松就处理完了公务。以此推断,苏东坡经常在十三间楼处理公务完全有可能。在哪里办公不重要,重要的是把公务处理好。

三是“十三间楼,去钱塘门二里许”,即十三间楼离钱塘门不远。具体位置在哪里?“十三间楼相严院旧名‘十三间楼石佛院……大石佛院旧传为秦始皇缆船石。俗名‘西石头。宣和中,僧思净就石镌成大佛半身。或云:‘下通海眼。”可知十三间楼在大石佛院内。“秦始皇缆船石”,即宝石山的“秦皇系缆石”。“大石佛院”即大佛禅寺,俗称大石佛院,以有大石佛而闻名,在宝石山南麓。后周顯德三年(956),吴越国王钱弘俶始建此寺,时称妙行寺。宋宣和元年(1119)寺毁。苏东坡在杭州写这首《南歌子》时,十三间楼应当还在妙行寺内或者附近。据传宋时有位姓喻的小孩子,游览西湖时见到“秦皇缆船石”,便立誓要刻石成佛。长大后便在妙行寺出家,法名思净。他年复一年在寺旁缆船石上凿石,宋宣和六年(1124),缆船石被刻成高达5米的大佛半身像。不久思净无疾而化。元至元年间(1335—1340),寺殿被焚。明永乐年间(1403—1424),志琳法师重建寺院,明成祖赐寺额为“大佛禅寺”。清咸丰年间(1851—1861)寺毁,僧海萍重建。光绪年间(1875—1908),僧醒彻在石佛西建弥勒佛殿,并在大悲阁遗址建祖堂、僧房。

由北山路23号上几十级石阶,在长满古树、枯藤、灌木、荒草的石谷中,有块巨石矗立其间,这就是当年的“秦皇系缆石”,又称大佛头,旁边有“杭州市级文保单位”的石碑。现有部分古建筑和乾隆御诗碑等镶嵌在墙壁上。

这些都是后话了。

四是十三间楼不是单独一座楼,是个景区,里面有“冠胜轩、雨亦奇轩”等景点,很可能还有其他景点,所以才会“游人都上十三楼”,在苏东坡任杭州知州时这里游客众多。

五是“废”。指的是南宋时,十三间楼这个景区已废弃或不存在了。

回过头来,我们再来说说宋代杭州人怎样过端午。

《武林旧事》“卷三·端午”的记载以宫廷官宦为主:

先期学士院供帖子,如春日禁中排当,例用朔日,谓之“端一”。或传旧京亦然。插食盘架,设天师艾虎,意思山子数十座,五色蒲丝百草霜,以大合三层,饰以珠翠葵榴艾花。蜈蚣、蛇、蝎、蜥蜴等,谓之“毒虫”。及作糖霜韵果,糖蜜巧粽,极其精巧。又以大金瓶数十,遍插葵、榴、栀子花,环绕殿阁。及分赐后妃诸大  近侍翠叶、五色葵榴、金丝翠扇、真珠百索、钗符、经筒、香囊、软香龙涎佩带,及紫练、白葛、红蕉之类。

大臣贵邸,均被细葛、香罗、蒲丝、艾朵、彩团、巧粽之赐。而外邸节物,大率效尤焉。巧粽之品不一,至结为楼台舫辂。又以青罗作赤口白舌帖子,与艾人并悬门楣,以为禳。道宫法院,多送佩带符篆。

而市人门首,各设大盆,杂植艾蒲葵花,上挂五色纸钱,排饤果粽。虽贫者亦然。湖中是日游舫亦盛,盖迤逦炎暑,宴游渐稀故也。俗以是日为马本命,凡御厩邸第上乘,悉用五彩为鬃尾之饰,奇鞯宝辔,充满道途,亦可观玩也。

《梦粱录》“卷三·五月”的记载侧重于民间:

仲夏一日,禁中赐宰执以下公服罗衫。五日重午节,又曰“浴兰令节”,内司意思局以红纱彩金子,以菖蒲或通草雕刻天师驭虎像于中,四围以五色染菖蒲悬围于左右。又雕刻生百虫铺于上,却以葵、榴、艾叶、花朵簇拥。内更以百索彩线、细巧镂金花朵,及银样鼓儿、糖蜜韵果、巧粽、五色珠儿结成经筒符袋、御书葵榴画扇、艾虎、纱匹段,分赐诸阁分、宰执、亲王。兼之诸宫观亦以经筒、符袋、灵符、卷轴、巧粽、夏橘等送馈贵宦之家。

如市井看经道流,亦以分遗施主家。所谓经筒、符袋者,盖因《抱朴子》问辟五兵之道,以五月午日佩赤灵符挂心前,今以钗符佩带,即此意也。

杭都风俗,自初一日至端午日,家家买桃、柳、葵、榴、蒲叶、伏道,又并市茭、粽、五色水团、时果、五色瘟纸,当门供养。自隔宿及五更,沿门唱卖声,满街不绝。以艾与百草缚成天师,悬于门额上,或悬虎头白泽。或士宦等家以生朱于午时书“五月五日天中节,赤口白舌尽消灭”之句。此日采百草或修制药品,以为辟瘟疾等用,藏之果有灵验。杭城人不论大小之家,焚烧午香一月,不知出何文典。其日正是葵榴斗艳,栀艾争香,角黍包金,菖蒲切玉,以酬佳景。不特富家巨室为然,虽贫乏之人,亦且对时行乐也。

这两则记载告诉我们,在宋代,端午是个重要的节日,端午期间的活动,既有祭祀的成分,又与驱邪防毒虫侵害有关,还有就是享乐了。

“与艾人并悬门楣,以為禳禬”,禳禬指古代为消灾除病而举行的祭祀。“五日重午节,又曰‘浴兰令节,内司意思局以红纱彩金子,以菖蒲或通草雕刻天师驭虎像于中,四围以五色染菖蒲悬围于左右。又雕刻生百虫铺于上,却以葵、榴、艾叶、花朵簇拥。”“以艾与百草缚成天师,悬于门额上,或悬虎头白泽。”“市人门首,各设大盆,杂植艾蒲葵花,上挂五色纸钱,排饤果粽。虽贫者亦然。”这些描述说明无论是宫廷还是民间,菖蒲、艾草都是作为驱邪防毒的用品被普遍采用的。人们还在身上挂香袋、挂驱邪消灾符,“以五月午日佩赤灵符挂心前”。过节当然还少不了吃,不但吃粽子,而且吃“五色水团、时果”等。

在宋代,端午“其日正是葵榴斗艳,栀艾争香,角黍包金,菖蒲切玉,以酬佳景。不特富家巨室为然,虽贫乏之人,亦且对时行乐也”,这与纪端午节最初的来源似乎没有啥关系了。

(作者系杭州市政协智库专家、杭州文史专家。)

Su Dongpos Dragon Boat Festival in Hangzhou

By Sima Yimin

In the year 1089, Su Shi (1037-1101, also known as Su Dongpo) was appointed to Hangzhou a second time, to serve as its prefect. During the Dragon Boat Festival, Su Shi traveled to Shi San Lou in Hangzhou with his friends, and wrote a Ci poem about it.

“To the Tune of Nan Ge Zi:
Dragon Boat Festival in Hangzhou”

Like singsong girls eyebrows the mountains stand, and like drunken eyes the lake ripples slow.

People all go to Shi San Lou.

Envying not the song-filled Zhuxi Pavilion in old Yangzhou.

Sticky rice dumplings and sweet flag, jade wine vessels flow.

Someone is chanting the prelude to water melody high and low.

Around the green mountains, the song is flying away, only to be held by the sunset glow.

Befitting the traditions of the Dragon Boat Festival, as the poem described, people went on an outing to the mountains and lakeside, enjoying sticky rice dumplings and a bit alcohol. According to Su Shi, they also thronged to one place—Shi San Lou.

Which then begs the question:
what is Shi San Lou and where is it?

Shi San Lou, literally “a house with thirteen rooms”, “was about two li [half a kilometer] away from the Qiantang Gate,” according to the Annals of Linan during the Reign of Qiandao, written in the year 1169, “When Su Shi was in Hangzhou, he often executed his official duties here. Disused.”

In the Annals of Linan during the Reign of Chunyou,compiled in the year 1252, an almost identical entry could be found, except that some additional information was also provided, “…Now the place is Stone Buddha Court, situated behind the large Buddha stone around which Emperor Qin Shi Huang was said to have once tied his touring boat.” It explained, “West Lake was believed to be connected with the sea some time ago…Therefore, Emperor Qin Shi Huang anchored his boat here.”

Walking up scores of stone steps along the trail lying at No. 23 Beishan Road, people today will still find the giant Buddha stone in a stony valley overgrown with old trees, withered vines, shrubs and weeds.

As to Shi San Lou, as indicated in the annals, it had already ceased to exist in Southern Song (1127-1279). The “house with thirteen rooms” was in fact not a single house, but a “scenic area”, which also contained other “scenic spots”, such as Guansheng Pavilion, Yuyiqi Pavilion. No wonder Su Shi preferred to go through official business amid such poetic surroundings.

While the disappearance of Shi San Lou might have meant one less place for Hangzhou people to go during the Dragon Boat Festival,shelves with food plates are set up, posters of Taoist Celestial Master Zhang on a tiger are pasted on doors…threads of five colors are worn…perfume satchels in the shape of centipedes, snakes, scorpions, lizards, spiders, namely the so-called ‘poisons, are carried around…” the customs of the imperial court were documented as such in Wulin Jiushi, or Ancient Matters from Wulin Garden, a book reporting the happenings of Linan (present-day Hangzhou), capital of Southern Song at that time.

Indeed, Menglianglu, or A Dream of Sorghum, another book about Linan during the same period, recorded quite similar, albeit less extravagant, customs among the general public:
rituals of a sacrificial nature, charms and perfume satchels to ward off evils and the poisonous insects, and, last but not least, food, i.e. sticky rice dumplings, in-season fruit and wine, among others.

The Dragon Boat Festival during the Song dynasty, therefore, seems less to do with commemorating Qu Yuan (ca. 340-278 BC), a patriotic poet in the latter part of the Warring States Period (476-221 BC), from whom the Dragon Boat Festival is widely believed to have originated, and more to do with performing sacrificial rites, exorcising evil spirits, repelling poisonous insects and of course having a little fun.

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